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The modern world has been living for several decades in the era of the information society and in the era of globalization. The openness of borders, the weakening of state institutions, the formation of free trade zones and fierce competition for resources and markets for goods and services have already become an integral part of the modern world political and economic agenda, which is reflected in daily news reports. At the same time, such complex processes as an increase in migration flows and an increase in social tensions in various countries of the world also take place.
The current Russian geostrategic position, the emergence of a new round of political confrontation with the West against the background of aggravating international tensions make the task of a comprehensive, comprehensive and objective analysis of the foreign policy of modern Russia extremely urgent.
Most often, experts in the field of international relations, analyzing the Russian foreign policy strategy, proceed from the postulates of the school of classical realism, appealing to such factors as national interests and the balance of power. This approach seems to be largely correct, but not sufficient. Since an important role in the development of modern foreign policy of the Russian state is played by its national identity, which is based on the idea of national greatness of Russia. Russia's national identity at the beginning of the twenty-first century continues to evolve under the influence of its historical heritage as a great power, a great empire, and a country of two continents.
The historical fate of Russia, as is known, was complex, unique and inimitable. There are many difficulties and contradictions in Russian history. Many wonder whether Russia is East or West. However, to answer this question unequivocally, it is impossible to attribute Russia unequivocally to the East or the West, in my opinion. The geographical position of Russia between the East and the West, the complexity of its historical fate predetermined its special historical role as a bridge between different world cultures. For this reason, Russia has become a separate part of world history, combining the characteristics of Europe and Asia, Christianity and Islam, the West and the East.
It was from the West, not from Rome, but still from Christian Byzantium, the successor of the Roman Empire, that Russia accepted the Orthodox faith, which predetermined its historical destiny for centuries to come. For centuries, Russia has been trading with Western countries, building successful economic and political ties, and then leading bloody wars, in which the fate of humanity was decided.
The great genius of Peter the Great brought Russia closer to the West at the beginning of the eighteenth century, but the docking of the two civilizations went under the roar of the guns of the Northern War and the power and majesty of the Russian fleet, to which the Western world itself was not very happy. Finally, the whole Russian culture of the nineteenth century — Russian music, literature and painting — are basically Western. The desire for national greatness and the desire for recognition of the fact of this greatness by the Western world, and above all Europe and the USA, as well as the pragmatic interests of preserving national security - these factors, in my opinion, predetermine Russia's modern foreign policy.
From this point of view, Russian policy in the post-Soviet space is predictable, logical and imperialistic in nature, as evidenced by the territorial seizure of Crimea transferred to Ukraine by the Soviet government. The current Russian conflict with the West is a continuation of the age-old conflicts between capitalist countries, the tension in which relations are permanent. Rossi’s policy in Syria and the Middle East is a continuation of its common imperialist bias, aimed at reviving the country's international status as a great power.
From this point of view, Russian-Chinese relations are the most important and difficultly predictable, since communist China confirms the thesis of the superiority of communist society over the capitalist option. China is currently at the stage of «peaceful coexistence» with Russia, but its victory over the Western world, including Russia, is the main national goal of communist China. In addition, equal relations between the two countries are impossible both in connection with the far-reaching geopolitical ambitions of China, and because of the economic equality of Russia and China.
Its geopolitical power and military strength has been and remains the traditional and determining factor shaping the place and role of Russia in the modern world, by which Russia traditionally forces the world to reckon with itself and this allows it to have superpower status. It is precisely using this power, as well as the place in the UN Security Council with the right of veto, that Russia realizes its expansion in the post-Soviet space, seizing the Crimea, separating South Ossetia and Abkhazia from hostile Georgia, and also entering into conflict with the West in the Middle East.
Finally, an important, but not the most obvious task of modern Russia is its desire to maintain control over the energy infrastructure in Europe and the Middle East, allowing it to remain an energy empire, on which its economic stability depends. And the use of the national identity of Russians seeking to revive the greatness of the country, on the one hand, helps to realize the foreign policy goals of the state, and on the other hand allows the country's ruling elite to consolidate the people around them by strengthening the atmosphere of nationalism in the country.
Summing up the study of modern Russian foreign policy conducted by us, we can conclude that, at its core, modern international relations are economic relations, and are confirmed by the permanent introduction of economic sanctions in the modern world. At the same time, in the framework of the implementation of Russian foreign policy, along with the tasks of achieving pragmatic goals, there are tasks of reviving the country's national greatness, striving for which is an important part of the national identity of the Russian people and the Russian state.
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MAIN FEATURES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY MAKING: WHAT IS DIFFERENT TO OTHER ACTORS AND WHY.
The modern world is characterized by the presence in its framework of ongoing processes of deep and dynamic change. Modern globalization processes have a profound effect on modern international relations and activate within their framework the level of interdependence of the states of the modern world, while stimulating integration processes in different parts of the world.
The development of integration processes in some parts of the world occurs in parallel with the desire to disintegrate other parts of the planet. The international global economic and political system is under pressure from both countries seeking to change the status quo, such as China, Iran and Russia, and from the main defenders of globalization - the United States led by Donald Trump.
In parallel with this, the balance of forces in the Middle East is being disturbed, separatist tendencies in Europe are becoming more active, a sanctions war is being waged and the influence of developing countries is increasing. All this causes the intensification of Russian foreign policy both in Europe and in the post-Soviet space, and in the Middle East. And this process is approved by the overwhelming majority of Russian society and criticism from the western countries of the world.
Under these conditions, each country in the world, and above all the key world powers, build their foreign policy, focusing on both the internal political agenda in each of these countries and the global geopolitical context. At the same time, the very separation of such concepts common for political science disciplines as foreign and domestic policy in the modern world becomes a difficult task. The line between domestic and foreign policy is constantly shifting, and often foreign policy becomes a continuation of domestic policy.
An example of this phenomenon is the modern «tradition» of imposing anti-Russian sanctions by the United States as an element of political struggle between Republicans and Democrats. It is the diversity of the internal political structure of countries such as China, Russia, and the United States or European countries that are key factors in their diverse approaches to the conduct of their foreign policy.
From the point of view of the formation of its pragmatic foreign policy goals, Russia's modern foreign policy is not at all different from a similar process in foreign countries. The basis of the Russian foreign policy doctrine is the task of preserving Russia's national security and ensuring its national interests in Europe and the Middle East, as well as in other regions of the world. Many speak about the unpredictability of Russian foreign policy, but this statement is not only false, but also short-sighted. The fact that Russian foreign policy does not suit the Western world does not mean that it is unpredictable. Indeed, in its essence, it is carried out within the framework of the tradition of real politics. In the nineties of the twentieth century, Russia actually did not have its own foreign policy, but at the present stage it has revised this approach.
The main reasons for such a revision are determined by such key factors as the expansion of the EU without realizing the political and economic opportunities for Russia, the expansion of NATO and the scrapping of the Old Russian concept of security as a result of the idea of Russia joining the established system of international relations. The main goal of Russian foreign policy from the point of view of real politics is the protection of Russian national interests. This factor determines the role of Russia in the world as a player of the “first league” of world powers, on a par with the United States and China. The basis for the approval of this status of Russia in the world is that Russia has nuclear weapons, a seat on the UN Security Council and a geopolitical position. The main task of Russia is to position itself as a factor of international stability, as a force that respects the right to sovereignty and strengthen traditional political structures in the form of national states.
The implementation of this scheme of Russian positioning in the world is complicated by the weakness of the Russian economy and the strength of the Western-centric system of international relations, within which Russia plays the role of a peripheral power providing developed countries and their economies with natural resources and energy resources.
Russia's economic weakness, the impossibility of advancing Russia's foreign policy through exceptionally soft power. And the authoritarian system of political power leads to the fact that a realistic, inherently modern foreign policy looks tough and does not meet the characteristics of the world of the twenty-first century. The difference between Russian foreign policy and the strategies of Western countries and China lies in the form of its implementation.
Russian foreign policy too often has resorted to force in recent years. However, this is due to the fact that the traditional factor determining the place and role of Russia in the world has been and remains its geopolitical power and military power, through which Russia traditionally forces the world to reckon with itself and this allows it to have the status of «superpower». The events in Georgia in 2008 and the Ukrainian events of recent years, as well as the fighting in Syria, carried out by the Russian army - all this is detrimental to the international image.
These negative aspects of Russian foreign policy, which are also part of the policy of any country, are actively used by foreign countries, and above all by Western countries. And the information resource belonging to them in the form of popular TV channels allows them to actively emphasize the «peaceful nature» of their foreign policy and oppose the «aggression» of Russia to it, although in their essence the foreign policy of Russia and the West do not differ.
THE WEST AND THE REST - THE ANGLO-SAXON SLOGAN OF THE PAST OR A PROGRAM FOR THE FUTURE
Over the past few centuries, world history has been largely determined by the decisions and desires of the Anglo-Saxon world. Since the seventeenth century, no political decision in the world could be taken without taking into account the special opinion of Great Britain. The English crown played a central role in asserting the balance of power on the European continent, started wars and achieved peace; it formed over the centuries a huge colonial empire, which by the beginning of the twentieth century had become so vast that «the sun did not set over it». London also played a key role in unleashing two world wars in the twentieth century, but ultimately lost its power and its empire in their end.
However, the collapse of the colonial British Empire not only did not weaken, but also strengthened the dominance of the Anglo-Saxon world over our civilization, since all the power of political influence and economic power remained in the hands of the Anglo-Saxons. It just crossed the ocean, and settled in the United States of America, founded once by the same British pilgrims. And today, the United States is at the height of its power. The American dollar is the basis of the world economy, the American fleet dominates the world's oceans, and the American army invades foreign countries and overthrows regimes if USA does not like them. Finally, the American political elite impose sanctions against those countries that declare their independence and the right to a separate opinion different from that of the United States. All this suggests that the famous slogan «The West and the Rest» is not only a slogan of the British colonial past, but also a program for the American future.
A consumer approach to the rest of the world that does not belong to the United States of America was and remains the basis of American policy and this fact is logical and logical, since this path led the United States to its current status as a superpower and world hegemon. And a brief review of twentieth-century American history confirms this. Thus, the turning point in the development of the American economy in the twentieth century was the Second World War, which finally consolidated the status of the United States as a global economic hegemon.
Taking part in the Second World War mainly as an economic player supplying allies with weapons, ammunition and foodstuffs, the United States, on the one hand, supported its national industry and agriculture, and at the same time became the main creditor of many states. Thanks to the economic weakening of the European continent, the USSR and Japan in the post-war years, as well as by strengthening their economic potential, the United States gained ample opportunities to assert its undeniable economic leadership in the industrialized world.
Thanks to the export of goods and capital, the North American transnational corporations after the end of World War II created a financial empire that was not inferior in terms of profitability from that which had previously received the metropolis from their colonial possessions. The collapse of the colonial system of the world also helped strengthen American power. And all these events laid the foundation for the main factor of American economic power - the monopoly of the dollar in the global economy. The basis of the dollar monopoly is the Bretton Woods financial system created after the end of World War II, which is actually based on the slogan «The West and the Rest».
The Bretton Woods system, established as a result of the conference held in July 1944 and unchanged until 1971, changed the financial system based on the «gold standard» and fixed the key role of the US dollar in the global economy. She laid the foundations for the activities of all major economic structures of the modern world, including the IMF, established in 1947, and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The Bretton Woods system ensured the stability of exchange rates, approved the hegemony of the dollar as the only currency secured by US gold reserves.
In the twenty-seven years of its existence of the Bretton Woods system, the American dollar has become the basis for the functioning of the global economy, and the world economy has been formed on the principles advantageous above all to the United States of America. The decline in the economic power of the United States in the sixties of the twentieth century led to the impossibility of maintaining the gold supply of the dollar. This led to the decision of the United States in 1971 to waive the gold security, which removed the latest restrictions on the issue of money from America. Since the economic, political, and military superiority of the United States in 1971 was not questioned by anyone, the world made this decision calmly enough. And once again, the Anglo-Saxon principle of «The West and the Rest» worked, as a result of which the US Federal Reserve since 1971 can officially decide independent decisions on the issue of dollars at its meetings, putting the rest of the world in a dependent position.
As a result of these selfish and highly pragmatic decisions, by the end of the twentieth century, the United States came as the world's first economic power, as the world's commercial and financial center, and as the number one political and military player. The global economic crisis of 2008, although it weakened the US economy, did not deprive it of its global leadership.
And when US President Donald Trump once again proudly declares to the whole world that «America is first» he is not doing anything radically new. He only confirms the loyalty of the United States to the Anglo-Saxon slogan «The West and the Rest». In this short phrase lies the secret of the further prosperity of the United States in this world, but it will also lead to the decline of the rest of the world outside the United States if a similar approach to world politics does not begin to use other countries, thus creating the basis for a multipolar world in the future.
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